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Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution

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Old 08-17-08, 03:29 PM
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Default Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution

Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution


It has been said that the meaning of the Constitution is clear and obvious. However, this appears not to be the case.

Presented below is an argument between Patrick Henry and James Madison and John Marshall, during the Virginia Ratifying Convention, over the meaning of the word "controversies" in the provision Of the United States Constitution that grants the Federal courts jurisdiction over controversies between a state and citizens of another state.

Madison and Marshall interpret the word “controversies” to include only those disputes where a State is the plaintiff, whereas Henry interprets the word to mean controversies where a state is either a plaintiff or a defendant.

Who was correctly interpreting the Constitution, James Madison and John Marshall or Patrick Henry?


The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal
Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 3]

Friday, June 20, 1788.

[The 1st and 2d sections of the 3d article still under consideration.]

Mr. MADISON.

Its jurisdiction in controversies between a state and citizens of another state is much objected to, and perhaps without reason. It is not in the power of individuals to call any state into court. The only operation it can have, is that, if a state should wish to bring a suit against a citizen, it must be brought before the federal court. This will give satisfaction to individuals, as it will prevent citizens, on whom a state may have a claim, being dissatisfied with the state courts. It is a case which cannot often happen, and if it should be found improper, it will be altered. But it may be attended with good effects. This may be illustrated by other cases. It is provided, that citizens of different states may be carried to the federal courts.

Mr. HENRY.

As to controversies between a state and the citizens of another state, his construction of it is to me perfectly incomprehensible. He says it will seldom happen that a state has such demands on individuals. There is nothing to warrant such an assertion. But he says that the state may be plaintiff only. If gentlemen pervert the most clear expressions, and the usual meaning of the language of the people, there is an end of all argument. What says the paper? That it shall have cognizance of controversies between a state and citizens of another state, without discriminating between plaintiff and defendant. What says the honorable gentleman? The contrary--that the state can only be plaintiff. When the state is debtor, there is no reciprocity. It seems to me that gentlemen may put what construction they please on it. What! is justice to be done to one party, and not to the other? If gentlemen take this liberty now, what will they not do when our rights and liberties are in their power? He said it was necessary to provide a tribunal when the case happened, though it would happen but seldom. The power is necessary, because New York could not, before the war, collect money from Connecticut! The state judiciaries are so degraded that they cannot be trusted. This is a dangerous power which is thus instituted. For what? For things which will seldom happen; and yet,: because there is a possibility that the strong, energetic government may want it, it shall be produced and thrown in the general scale of power. I confess I think it dangerous. Is it not the first time, among civilized mankind, that there was a tribunal to try disputes between the aggregate society

Mr. JOHN MARSHALL.

With respect to disputes between a state and the citizens of another state, its jurisdiction has been decried with unusual vehemence. I hope that no gentleman will think that a state will be called at the bar of the federal court. Is there no such case at present? Are there not many cases in which;the legislature of Virginia is a party, and yet the state is not sued? It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power Should be dragged before a court. The intent is, to enable states to recover claims of individuals residing in other states. I contend this construction is warranted by the words. But, say they, there will be partiality in it if a state cannot be defendant--if an individual cannot proceed to obtain judgment against a state, though he may be sued by a state. It is necessary to be so, and cannot be avoided. I see a difficulty in making a state defendant, which does not prevent its being plaintiff. If this be only what cannot be avoided, why object to the system on that account? If an individual has a just claim against any particular state, is it to be presumed that, on application to its legislature, he will not obtain satisfaction? But how could a state recover any claim from a citizen of another state, without the establishment of these tribunals?
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Old 08-18-08, 02:53 AM
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Default Re: Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution

You're such a douche bag xfactor.
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Old 08-19-08, 03:38 PM
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Default Re: Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution

In interpreting this text, we are guided by the principle that “[t]he Constitution was written to be understood by the voters; its words and phrases were used in their normal and ordinary as distinguished from technical meaning.” United States v. Sprague, 282 U. S. 716, 731 (1931)

--D. C. v. Heller
Scalia likes to cherry pick his rules of construction from the bountiful crop of rules adopted over the years at one time or another by the Supreme Court by various incarnations of the Court. Of all the many rules the Court ever adopted, why do you suppose Scalia cherry picked that particular one and why did he only like part of the rule?
UNITED STATES V. SPRAGUE, 282 U. S. 716 (1931)

The Constitution was written to be understood by the voters; its words and phrases were used in their normal and ordinary, as distinguished from technical, meaning; where the intention is clear, there is no room for construction and no excuse for interpolation or addition. Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheat. 30; Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1; Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat. 419; Craig v. Missouri, 4 Pet. 410; Tennessee v. Whitworth, 117 U. S. 13; Lake County v. Rollins, 130 U. S. 662; Hodges v. United States, 203 U. S. 1; Edwards v. Cuba R. Co.,268 U. S. 628; The Pocket Veto Case, 279 U. S. 655; Story on the Constitution (5th ed.) § 451; Cooley's Constitutional Limitations (2d ed.) pp. 61, 70.
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Old 08-24-08, 03:00 PM
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Default Re: Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution

The five judicial activists chose to apply the rule established by the Court of the Kings Bench in the case of Rex v. Marks (1802), for no reason other than it would produce the results they personally desired.

What makes Joel Prentiss Bishop an authority on which rules of construction should be applied to the U. S. Constitution?

Why isn't the Sprague Court still the authority on which rules of interpretation should apply to the Constitution?

Why aren't Tiffany, Volokh, Dwarris or Sedgwick still the authority on the proper use of preambles in Constitutional interpretation?

So far, the five little activists have, with regard to the rules of construction, switched authorities six times. The five activists are obviously cherry picking. They are choosing to apply only those rules of construction that will produce the outcome they personally desire.

The well established common law rules of construction existent at the time the Constitution was being made, are the rules that should be applied to the Constitution. Those rules are found in Blackstone's Commentaries, which was probably the only source of information about English common law the lawmakers had access to as the Constitution was being made.
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Old 08-30-08, 05:25 PM
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Default Re: Interpreting Ambiguous Language in the Constitution

Quote:
...the proem in the Second Amendment...was fully explained by the SCOTUS
We don't need the Constitution explained, dude. We need it honestly interpreted by applying the well established common law rules of construction the lawmakers, according to the historical evidence, most probably wanted applied to the Constitution.

Two of those well established common law rules of construction were invoked, by the great James Madison in Federalist No. 40 to, interpret "the act from Annapolis" and "that from Congress, in February, 1787" recommending what became the historic general convention that framed the U. S. Constitution.

The two rules of construction invoked by Madison date back to the time of Sir Edward Coke (1 February 1552 – 3 September 1634) and held that,
The one is, that every part of the expression ought, if possible, to be allowed some meaning, and be made to conspire to some common end. The other is, that where the several parts cannot be made to coincide, the less important should give way to the more important part; the means should be sacrificed to the end, rather than the end to the means.
When interpreting the Second Amendment, every word it contains ought to be allowed some meaning and made to conspire with the goal of a free state. What meaning should be given to the words in the first clause of the Amendment in order that they act together with the words of the second clause to achieve the goal of a free state?
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